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Bonifacio Ilagan was only 22 when the security forces raided the house where he’d been hiding after joining a large student activist movement resisting the regime of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos.
邦法西奥·伊根加入了一个抵制已故独裁者费迪南德·马科斯政权的大型学生活动，之后，安全部队突袭了他藏身的房子，当时他只有22岁。
Authorities brought him to Camp Crame, a detention facility that today serves as the headquarters of the national police.
当局将他带到克拉姆营，这是一个拘留场所，该场所现在是国家警察的总部。
There he was tortured in an attempt to extract information on the whereabouts of his colleagues in the movement, but Mr. Ilagan says he never gave up names.
在那里，他被严刑拷打，试图获取他所参加运动中同事的下落信息，但伊根表示，他永远不会透露姓名。
“I refused to be the reason someone will be killed,” he says.
他说:“我不想造成别人被杀。”
Now in his 70s, Mr. Ilagan isn’t the only one who suffered under martial law.
现年70多岁的伊根并不是唯一一个受到军事管制影响的人。
During those nine years that historians call the darkest period in Philippine history, more than 3,000 people were killed, and around 34,000 people were tortured and 70,000 imprisoned, according to human rights organizations.
据人权组织称，历史学家称这9年为菲律宾历史上最黑暗的时期，在这段时期，有3000多人被杀害，约3.4万人受到拷问，7万人被监禁。
Many people disappeared, including Mr. Ilagan’s sister.
许多人失踪了，包括伊根的妹妹。
But their stories seem to have little effect on the Filipino electorate, which is poised to pick Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. – the son and namesake of the late dictator – as the country’s next president on Monday.
但他们的故事似乎对菲律宾选民几乎没有影响，菲律宾选民准备在周一选择小费迪南德·“邦邦”·马科斯(已故独裁者的儿子而且与他同名)担任该国的下一任总统。
Latest opinion polls also show Sara Duterte-Carpio, daughter of the controversial President Rodrigo Duterte, leading in the race for vice president, a position Filipinos elect separately.
最新的民意调查还显示，备受争议的总统罗德里戈·杜特尔特的女儿萨拉·杜特尔特-卡皮奥在副总统竞选中领先，副总统一职由菲律宾人单独选举。
This is a pivotal election packed with familiar names, and experts say the rise of the Marcos-Duterte ticket signals how disinformation and economic stagnation have made the Philippines vulnerable to democratic backsliding.
这是一场充满了熟悉名字的关键的选举，专家们表示，马科斯-杜特尔特组合的崛起表明，虚假信息和经济停滞让菲律宾很容易出现民主倒退。
“The Marcos family brand, including that of Marcos Jr. at present, is a product of a painstaking process of mythmaking,” says political scientist Cleve V. Arguelles, from De La Salle University in Manila.
“马科斯家族的品牌，包括目前的小马科斯的品牌，都是艰苦的神话创造过程的产物，”马尼拉德拉萨尔大学的政治学家克利夫·阿格勒斯说。
“Public support for them relies on the well-curated image of who Marcos Jr. is and what the Marcos family stands for.
公众对他们的支持依赖于精心策划的关于小马科斯是谁以及马科斯家族代表什么的形象。
We see how heavily invested they are in propaganda – then and now.”
我们可以看到他们过去和现在在宣传上投入了多少。”
Political observers and historians attribute Bongbong’s popularity to the family’s decadeslong effort to regain power.
政治观察人士和历史学家将邦邦(马科斯)的受欢迎程度归因于家族数十年来重新掌权的努力。
Over their 21-year rule, the Marcoses are believed to have embezzled $5-10 billion, while national debt ballooned to $26 billion.
在他们21年的统治期间，马科斯家族被认为贪污了50 -10亿美元，同时国家债务膨胀到260亿美元。
