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然而，未来的历史学家在回顾对德国统一的消极反应时，可能会比当时的大多数评论家带有更多的同情感。1990年2月2日的一份内部备忘录上记载，关于西德认为如果两德统一是在欧洲融合加深的情况下完成就不会构成战略威胁的立场，撒切尔做出了一个明智的评价。她写道：“强化欧洲共同体解决不了问题。德国的雄心将会成为主导的、积极的因素。”
There are rather a large number of people in southern Europe today – and perhaps also in Paris – who would acknowledge that here, too, Thatcher was right. Only last year the Italian prime minister complained of being treated as if Italy was in a “semicolonial” relationship with Germany.
今天的南欧甚至是巴黎都有很多人承认，撒切尔在上述问题上是正确的。就在去年，意大利总理还抱怨意大利与德国的关系就像一种“半殖民”的关系。
Like many great leaders, Margaret Thatcher has come to be more respected abroad than she ever was at home. Left-leaning Brits who opposed her during the 1980s find it especially hard to admit that she was mostly right and they were wrong.
与很多伟大的领导人一样，玛格丽特•撒切尔在海外受到的敬重要多于在国内。上世纪八十年代反对她的左倾的英国人发现，要承认她大部分时候都是正确的、而他们自己是错误的，确实很难。
The writer is Laurence A. Tisch professor of history at Harvard
本文作者是美国哈佛大学劳伦斯•A•蒂什(Laurence A. Tisch)历史学教授
