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It was a strange campaign. For months the many candidates met at forums via Zoom.
Andrew Yang, a former Democratic presidential candidate, led at first, before a limited knowledge of city affairs caught up with him.
As Mr Adams surged, his rivals tried to turn his anti-crime message against him.
"Eric thinks the solution to every problem is a badge and gun," said Maya Wiley, a progressive candidate who placed third.
He had other liabilities, including having been a Republican for a time, and he committed his share of gaffes, such as telling gentrifiers to "Go back to Iowa".
His biggest donors are from the real estate industry, with which he built ties as borough president, a job that gave him influence over land use.
Those relationships are likely to draw continued scrutiny. But in the primary even questions over whether he actually lived in New Jersey did not seem to hurt him.
For years the key to winning City Hall was to build a coalition outside Manhattan, particularly among white voters.
That was how Ed Koch won in the 1970s and 1980s and how Rudy Giuliani won in 1993.
Mr Adams also focused on the outer boroughs, but he built a multi-racial coalition of African-American, Dominican, Latino and Jewish New Yorkers.
这是一场奇怪的竞选。几个月来,许多候选人通过Zoom在论坛上见面。
前民主党总统候选人杨安泽起初领先,但对城市事务知之甚少。
随着亚当斯的崛起,他的对手们试图利用他的反犯罪信息来攻击他。
“埃里克认为徽章和枪支是解决所有问题的办法,”排名第三的进步派候选人玛雅・威利说。
他还有其他的缺点,例如曾经做过一段时间的共和党人。他还犯过一些错误,比如告诉上流社会人士“回爱荷华州去”。
他最大的捐赠者来自房地产行业,他在担任区长期间与房地产行业建立了联系,这份工作使他在土地使用方面有了发言权。
这些关系很可能会引起持续的关注。但在初选中,甚至关于他“是否真的住在新泽西”的问题似乎也没有伤害到他。
多年来,赢得市政厅的关键是在曼哈顿之外建立一个联盟,特别是在白人选民当中。
这就是埃德・科赫在上世纪七八十年代和鲁迪・朱利安尼在1993年获胜的办法。
亚当斯也把重点放在了外围行政区,但他建立了一个由非裔美国人、多米尼加人、拉丁裔和犹太纽约人组成的多种族联盟。
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